स्थानिवदादेशोऽनल्विधौ

This is an explanatory sutra, or this may be considered also as an atidesa sutra, in as much as it declares that the operations to be performed on or by the original, may be similarly performed on or by the substitute, but with certain restrictions. The words of this sutra require some detailed exposition. Sthani is the word or the portion of a word which is replaced. Adesa is the expression which replaces something. Al-vidhi is a compound of 'al' meaning alphabet, or letters in general, and 'vidhi' rule i. e. any rule applicable to letters.

There is an exception, however, to this rule in the case of rules, the occasion for the operation of which, is furnished by the letters of the original term. That is to say for the purposes of orthographic rules, an adesa is not like the sthani. A rule which is applicable to the letters of the sthani, need not be applicable to the letters of the adesa.

Thus the gerund of verbs is generally formed by adding the affix क्त्वा e. g. ग्रह् + त्वा. Now (VII. 2. 35.) prescribes the insertion of an intermediate इट् before ardhadhatuka affixes beginning with any consonant except य. This rule is clearly an al-vidhi, because the occasion for its application is conditional on the letters of the affix. The affix त्वा begins with त् and is an ardhadhatuka affix and fulfils all the conditions of the rule. Therefore, we have गृह् + इ + त्वा = गृहीत्वा (VI. I. 16); 7.2.37.

Now in compound verbs the affix त्वा is replaced by य (tech. ल्यप्). Thus संगृह् + य. This adesa य which takes the place of त्वा has all the functions of त्वा viz. it has the power of making gerunds; it makes the word an indeclinable (see rule 1.1.41 ante), as the affix त्वा does. But the affix त्वा takes an intermediate इ; should, therefore, the adesa य take also the इ or not? Now the augment इ which त्वा takes is by virtue of 7.2.35, because it begins with a consonant of वल् pratyahara; while य is the only consonant which is not included in this pratyahara. Therefore, for the purposes of taking इ by rule (VII. 2. 35.) the adesa य is not like त्वा; since that rule is one which has its scope when there are certain initial letters; or an al-vidhi. Therefore, we have संगृह्य.

Substitutes replace either a धातु 'root,' or an अङ्ग 'base,' or a krit affix 'primary affix,' or a taddhita affix 'secondary affix,' or an avyaya 'indeclinable,' or a सुप् affix 'case affix,' or a तिङ्ग् affix 'conjugational affix,' or lastly the full word or pada.

The substitute of a dhatu becomes like a dhatu. Thus sutras 2.4.52 and 2.4.53 declare :- 'भू is the substitute of the root अस्, and वच् of the root ब्रू when an ardhadhatuka affix follows.' Here the substitutes भू and वच् are treated as dhatu, and as such get the affixes तव्य &c. by 3.1.96, &c. Thus भविता, भवितुम्, भवितव्यम्; वक्ता, वक्तुम्, वक्तव्यम्.

The substitute of an anga becomes like an anga. Thus 7.2.103 declares:- 'क is the substitute of the base किम् when a case-affix follows.' Here, क gets the designation 'base' and so rules applicable to base, are applied to क also. Thus in केन, काभ्याम्, कैः &c., we have इन, the lengthening of the vowel, and ऐस् substituted by (VII. I. 12), and 7.3.102, and 7.1.9.

The substitute of a krit affix becomes like a krit affix. Thus (VII. I. 37) declares:- 'ल्यप् is the substitute of the krit affix क्त्वा when the verb is a compound, the first member of which is an indeclinable, but not नञ्' Here, ल्यप् is also called a krit affix, and as such, sutra 6.1.71 applies, and तुक् is added. As प्रकृ + ल्यप् = प्रकृ + त् + य = प्रकृत्य; similarly प्रहृत्य &c.

The substitute of a taddhita affix is like a taddhita. Thus 7.3.50 declares :- 'इक् is the substitute of the affix ठ' as दधि + ठक् 4.2.18 = दाधिकम्, here, इक् being treated as a taddhita, sutra 1.2.56 applies and the word formed by it, gets the name of pratipadika, and is so declined.

The substitute of an avyaya is like an avyaya. As, प्रस्तुत्यः; प्रहृत्य. The affix क्त्वा makes avyayas 1.1.40, its substitute ल्यप् will also make the word an avyaya, and as such sutra 2.4.82 applies, and the case-affixes are elided after these words.

The substitute of sup-affixes becomes like sup. Thus 7.1.13 declares:- 'य is the substitute of the sup-affix ङे after an inflective base ending in short अ.' Here, य is treated as a sup-affix, and therefore sutra 7.3.102 applies, and there is lengthening of the vowel, as, वृक्षाय; प्लक्षाय.

The substitute of tin becomes like tin. Thus 3.4.101 declares:- 'ताम्, तम्, त and अम् are substituted for तस्, थस्, थ, and मिप् when tense-affixes having indicatory ङ follow.' Here the substitutes ताम् &c., also make the words ending in them pada by rule (1. 4. 14) as, अकुरुतम्, अकुरुत &c.

The substitute of a pada is like a pada. Thus 8.1.21 declares:- 'वस् is the substitute of युष्मान्, युष्मभ्यम्, युष्माकम्, and नस् of अस्मान्, अस्मभ्यम् and अस्माकम्.' Here, वस् and नस् are treated as pada, and the final स् is changed into visarga, as वः, नः.

Why have we used the word वत् in the sutra? Without it the aphorism would have been a स्थान्यादेशोऽनल्विधौ, and this being a chapter treating of definitions, the meaning would have been, 'an adesa is called sthani.' This certainly is not intended, for had it been so, then all operations would be performed by or on the substitute, but none by the original. But this is not so. Thus rule 1.3.28, says 'the root हन् preceded by आ is atmanepadi' वध the substitute of हन् will be atmanepadi, as आवधिष्ट; but हन् also will be so in its proper sphere, as, आहत.

The word adesa is used in the sutra to indicate, that the rule applies even to partial substitutions : as changing the इ of ति into उ 3.4.86 in the Imperative e.g. पचतु.

The word al-vidhi is used in order to indicate that the substitutes of दित्, पथिन्, त्यद् &c., such as the change of व् into औ 7.1.84, न् into आ 7.1.85, द् into अ 7.2.102, are not to be treated like the original: as द्यौः, पन्थाः, सः Had these substitutes been treated like the original, rule 6.1.68 would apply, and the case-affix सु would have been elided.,